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"Austria and the United
States: A presentation by Her Excellency Eva
Nowotny February 17, 2006 Ladies and Gentlemen, I first of all want to thank you for inviting me to participate in this momentous occasion, when we officially re-open the Austria Centre in this great city and at this great University. That we are able to do so, so shortly after the catastrophe which hit this town, shows the inherent strength and resilience of this great city and the determination of its inhabitants to overcome the difficulties and the hardships and bring it back to its former glory. I have a personal relationship to New Orleans, as part of my family spent a very happy and enriching year here, and I am thus particularly happy that I can be here and can at the same time bring a modest contribution from Austria for the rebuilding effort. At the same time I want to use this moment at the outset of my remarks to say a word of thanks. In the difficult and chaotic days immediately after Katrina we were not only living with the images of the catastrophic impact and the destruction, we also saw and experienced many wonderful examples of the greatness of the human spirit – a spontaneous readiness to help, to assist and to share. It benefited many citizens of my own countries and many students who had come to spend time at this University before the disaster hit, and it was due to the generosity of many people that they could get through this difficult time without major losses. Thank you for that in the name of all my country men and women who received help. I am also grateful that you have asked me to share with you a few thoughts about our present task of presiding over the European Union, to present to you and discuss with you some of the issues which figure on our agenda. I greatly appreciate your interest. The last year has not been easy in the internal developments of the European Union. In two referenda European citizens, who had been strongly involved in shaping the European project since its beginnings, have said no to a European constitutional treaty, and all opinion polls show that confidence in the Union, in the evolution of the Union is waning. And this in spite of clear and evident successes. Or was the smooth integration of 10 new members, the biggest enlargement of the European Union ever, not a success? Or the successful conclusion of enlargement negotiations with two more countries, ready to join the club next year? Or the successful transition to a single currency, the Euro, which has in a very short time firmly established itself as one the world’s most stable monetary values, or the competitiveness of the European Union on international markets? Or the fact that today the EU is successfully managing nine difficult foreign policy and security missions, while only a few years ago there was not a single one? These successes are certainly there and are certainly true, and nevertheless there is a lack of confidence and of optimism, which has to be taken seriously. In the Grand Palais in Paris there is at present a very successful exhibition on “Melancholy” as a typically European occidental phenomenon. If melancholy is the prevailing European state of mind today, then we need indeed a strong countervailing strategy. This strategy in our thinking has to deal above all with those issues which are important to Europeans in their daily lives and their every day concerns: security in their lives and in their social and economic development, sustainability, economic growth and employment, the possibility to live their lives to their full potential. People do know that there is no emergency brake against the impact of modern life, against globalisation and that there is no glass dome which protects countries and peoples against some of the damaging and threatening phenomena of our times. But they expect, and rightly so, concrete action by their governments and their political leaders to form and to shape developments. In our planning for the next six months we take that as an important mandate and will thus pay particular attention to four general objectives, which are close to the hearts and the minds of the European citizens: promote and stimulate economic growth in Europe and thus also create employment opportunities, secure and develop the specifically European social model, rebuild confidence among the European citizens in the European project, and further establish Europe as a strong and reliable global partner. In doing so, we will work closely with the European Commission and the secretariat of the European Council. They represent the institutional memory of the EU and without their assistance and close cooperation even the best prepared Presidency will quickly start to flounder. Ladies and Gentlemen, Having the Presidency of the Council of the European Union – this is the correct nomenclature – sounds more glamorous than it really is. It is first and foremost a service for Europe which a member country on a rotating basis provides for the European Union and all the partners in the Union for six months. During these six months Austria will now preside over a large number of EU bodies, at the political level in the European Council and the Council of Ministers, at the level of officials in around 250 committees and working groups. In the course of the next six months we will chair more than 2000 EU meetings in total. In addition to feed, direct and maintain this ongoing negotiating machinery – which is, after all, the way the European Union works – the Presidency represents the EU abroad, speaks on its behalf at summit meetings and international conferences, negotiates for its interests with outside partners, and generally is the face and the voice of Europe across the world. I know that many and certainly many Americans find this system of rotating Presidencies bewildering and hard to understand, and many partners used to complain about lack of continuity and the need inherent in this system to constantly get used to new and different partners in a negotiating process. In order to deal with this understandable complaint the EU has already some years ago decided to map out its policies in a three years’ roll-over work program to ensure greater continuity. Within this frame, the two countries holding the Presidency in one particular year set out the concrete work plan for their term of office. In our case, we share the year 2006 with Finland, and have worked very closely and intensively with our Finnish colleagues over the past months on this joint work program. This new system also means that the leeway and the flexibility to pursue issues of great interest to one’s own country are getting smaller, and that a pre-ordained agenda with given tasks, deadlines and progress reports is already there and waiting for the incoming Presidency. This again is a bit theoretical and the reality, once one steps into the chair, turns out to be a bit different. As I said, we had our work program and we had our script. In real life, however, we were from day one onwards confronted with issues and questions, for which no script was provided, and where we had to operate quickly and intuitively, and – to stick with the simile – write the script as we went along. We had not prepared for the Russian/Ukrainian gas crisis which overshadowed the first days of our Presidency, we had not prepared for the massive election victory of the Palestinian Hamas, we could not plan and provide for the deterioration in the negotiations with Iran, and certainly not for the major crisis arising out of the caricatures of Prophet Mohammed. Basically, one works on two level – one works on the level of international developments, where coping with the unexpected is the rule of the day, and one works on a micro level on a pre-set and pre-ordained agenda, which brings the European Union as an institution forward. Let me now turn to some of the concrete issues which we have on our agenda for the next six months and in order not to tax your patience too much I will mention only three of them – firstly, the debate about the future of Europe, secondly the shaping of the European project, and thirdly the tasks of Europe in the world – and I will endeavour to sketch briefly the main points and the main elements under each of these headings. The Future of Europe: You will recall that a Constitutional Treaty for Europe was signed in Rome on 29 October 2004 and then opened for ratification by member states. As a result, we are now in the strange and legally difficult situation that 15 member states (more than half of the members and in parenthesis also more than half of the EU population) have ratified the treaty, and two have said no and rejected ratification in a referendum. Against this background, Heads of State and Government have called for a reflection phase to be used for intensive public debate, and Austria was tasked to take stock of this debate and map out a few suggestions on how to proceed in this dilemma. A way out will not be easy. It will not be possible to present the treaty a second time for ratification without changes, and changes will be very difficult to negotiate. Another possibility might be to revert to the EU’s successful tradition of quiet and pragmatic reform, and to single out those uncontroversial and generally acceptable elements of the treaty for quiet implementation by Council decision. At the present stage, however, all this is pure speculation. We have started a process of consultation and, if it goes will, we hope to be able to present some ideas and perhaps a road map for further procedure at the European Council in June. In Austria herself, an internet forum under the title “Europe is listening” has proved to be quite successful and has really resulted in a broad debate where people articulate their concerns as well as present new ideas and suggestions. This debate and this consultation touches on many other issues as well, such as the fundamental rights, the comprehensibility and transparency of the Union’s decision making process, the closeness of the EU to its citizens. Legislating in Europe at the closest possible level to the people will have to be discussed, but also a stronger role for national parliaments in European integration. Another work area in this respect is the big question of better regulations in order to reduce red tape, and achieve more effective and clearer rule, and European legislation which is simple, understandable and has real European added value. Concerning the fundamental rights, the negotiations on the mandate for the new European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights are to be concluded in 2006. This new agency, which follows the former Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia, will have its headquarters in Vienna and begin its work as a centre of expertise for all fundamental rights issues in the EU on January 1 2007. Another important issue which figures prominently in the public discussion concerns the further enlargement enlargement of the EU. In this regard clear tasks have already been assigned to the Austrian Presidency. These concern the accession of Romania and Bulgaria, where a final decision about their date of entry will have to be taken. We may also be called upon to open the first substantive negotiations on individual negotiating chapters with Turkey and Croatia, even perhaps with Macedonia. The European future of the countries of South East Europe, involving at the same time Serbia Montenegro, Bosnia Herzegovina, Albania, is a foreign policy issue for Austria of the first order – it is, after all, our geographical front yard, countries with which we have had very close and direct relations over the centuries. All three of them are on different levels in a preparatory process on the basis of the so-called Stabilization and Association Agreements, and it will be one of Austria’s tasks to pursue this process. The gradual integration of these countries into the European Union is, we are convinced, the best and most promising instrument to ensure their political and economic stability, and indeed the peace and stability of the whole region. Beyond and overriding these concrete managerial tasks, there is, however, a debate going on in Europe. More and more, the question is asked by our people whether enlargement of the European Union is a continuous process ad infinitum, or whether there is a natural end to enlargement and a sort of natural border to what Europe is and can be. So far, one has tried to avoid answering this question and has resorted to a political definition of Europe on the basis of certain political criteria, qualifying for membership in the Union. As the questions become more pressing, and the demand of clear answers becomes more insistent, I would assume that we will have to enter into this debate and find acceptable answers to these legitimate concerns. Let us now turn briefly to the European internal policy issues, the shaping and developing of the European project. Under this heading we will deal first and foremost with measures apt to boost job creation and economic growth, which has been sluggish for the last years and did not correspond to the economic growth potential that certainly is there. The European Strategy for Growth and Jobs contains a number of significant recommendations in areas such as innovation, entrepreneurship, research, education and training, as well as better legislation. While some progress has been made in the implementation of these recommendations, it was overall too slow and fresh impetus is needed. At the European Council in December last year under the stewardship of the United Kingdom a decision of momentous importance was taken, amounting to a significant rise in the financing of research and development, where the budget allotted to them will be almost tripled. And from January 19-21 a major conference of EU ministers for social affairs and labour met in Austria to discuss issues such as the working time directive, the services directive as well as a plethora of social issues, geared towards maintaining a high degree of social protection while at the same time adapting the social standards to the demographic as well as economic needs of our time. Social inclusion, modernisation of pension provisions, health and long-term care, gender mainstreaming, the impact of demographic change on society and family – all these are issues on our agenda. Of course, the to-do-list is much longer than what I have mentioned here, and contains issues such as road safety and inland waterway transport, the implementation of the European satellite programme Galileo and the Community strategy on health and consumer protection, the strategy on air quality and the sixth Environmental Action programme, to name but of few of the important, but less eye-catching issues. Of special significance in looking at the internal development of the European Union is the vast area of freedom, security and justice. In 2004, in the so-called Hague Programme, the European Council has established a list of priorities, promoting cooperation in the combat of terrorism, the harmonisation of criminal and civil law, asylum and visa policies and in the fight against corruption and organised crime in all its different aspects. Austria intends to intensify the work on cooperation in criminal matters, and will direct special attention to the long term strategy against radicalisation and terrorist recruitment. In doing so, we will not only look at the cooperation of security services and the compatibility of their methods, procedures and experiences, we will also give priority to inter-religious and inter-cultural dialogue, which we consider extremely important in this context, and where we already have built up a successful record over the last decades. This brings me to the last segment of my remarks, the tasks of Europe in the world. Since its inception the European Union has developed a network of bilateral and multilateral relations with most countries and regions, continuously expanding and deepening its relations with partners. As a major global player – demonstrated by its role as the largest single market and the biggest trading power in the world, its substantial relations with other nations and its commitment to development assistance – the EU is deeply involved in international affairs, and is an actor and a partner in all corners of the globe. Promotion of freedom and democracy, fight against poverty and for sustainable development, crisis management, institution building, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, environmental protection, dealing with the new threats of the 21st century (terrorism, drug trafficking, international crime) are firmly anchored on the EU’s agenda and constitute the basis for our relationship and joint action with other partners. In the exercise of the Presidency one becomes immediately involved in the international activities of the European Union. From the multitude of tasks and issues, not counting the inevitable surprises that may be in store, I would like to single out a few areas which are of particular importance to Austria and where we would really like to make a meaningful contribution. I have already mentioned the Western Balkan countries as a foreign policy priority of Austria in general and thus of the Austrian Presidency in particular. Let me revert briefly to Serbia and Montenegro, a country for which the first half of 2006 is going to be a decisive period. In Montenegro, a referendum on independence will be held during the first half of the year, the result of which will have to be managed in a careful and constructive manner. During this period negotiations for the Stabilisation and Association Agreement will continue, and we have a particular interest in a successful conclusion of these negotiations, as we anticipate their positive impact on the stability of the whole of South-Eastern Europe. Talks pertaining to the future status of Kosovo have already begun. Former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari is conducting these negotiations as special envoy of the Secretary General of the United Nations, assisted by the former Secretary General of the Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Albert Rohan. We thus have a double interest in these talks, and will endeavour, as Presidency, to strengthen the role of the EU in Kosovo. In addition, we have the negotiations on a Stabilisation and Association Agreement with Bosnia Herzegovina and the signing and beginning ratification of such an agreement with Albania. We are very much aware of the fact, that much of the foreign policy attention in this country is focused on the broader Middle East, but also South East Europe is an area of strategic interest to the United States. Do not forget that although the EU is now in the lead in the military operations, there are still American soldiers on the ground, and we expect to cooperate intensively and constructively with our American partners on the issues I have just sketched. The second area of involvement which I wanted to single out is the so-called European Neighbourhood Policy, which also figures under the heading “Wider Europe Initiative”. The aim of this policy is to integrate the majority of Eastern European and Mediterranean countries in a common area of freedom, security and prosperity. It now includes Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco as well as the Palestinian Authority. We intend to make special efforts to implement the action plans tailored to the particular interests of each individual country, to review the progress made and to adapt or adjust the plans where necessary. In this context, particular attention will be focused during our half year on Ukraine. The parliamentary elections in Ukraine scheduled for March 2006 are extremely important for this country’ democratic consolidation, and will thus be subject to close scrutiny in their conduct and in the evaluation of their result. In addition, the Austrian Presidency will have to make an initial evaluation of the implementation of various projects under the afore-mentioned action plan, and the EU-Ukraine Cooperation Council will meet in Brussels in spring 2006. Again, this is an area of involvement where we expect a particularly close and constructive cooperation with our American friends and partners. The US and EU have worked closely together during the days of the Orange revolution, for their interests as well as in the interest of Ukraine, and we expect to continue on these lines. Under the Austrian Presidency, the EU will also seek to develop its strategic partnership with Latin America and the Caribbean. Negotiations with Mercosur on an Association Agreement will be expedited, and talks on such an agreement with the Andean Community and Central America will be held. Negotiations with the Caribbean states on economic partnership agreements will be continued. In May 2006, the 4th EU Summit Meeting with Latin America and the Caribbean will be convened in Vienna. Sixty delegations on Head of State/Head of government level will attend this summit for an open and dynamic debate on all issues of political, economic and social cooperation. There will be side meetings of parliamentarians and representatives of civil society from both regions, and a business forum for leading business executives will be held in parallel with the summit. And this brings me directly to the last point I want to mention, and which probably is of special interest to you, the scope and intensity of transatlantic relations – an issue of central political and economic importance to Europe. 2005 has been a very good year in the transatlantic relationship, which in its economic dimension is always very strong and intense, but which has had its political ups and downs. The successive visits of Secretary of State Rice and President Bush to Brussels have instilled a new dynamic in our political dealings with each other, and it has been made very clear that the US puts the same value on our cooperation as we do. The next EU summit meeting with the US is scheduled to take place during the Austrian Presidency. In preparation for this summit, work will actively continue on expanding the area of freedom and democracy, resolving international conflicts and stabilizing international crises. Strengthening the economic partnership, cooperation in combating terrorism, improving the international organisations and the structures of international governance will also figure highly on our common agenda. An elaborate organisational structure for this cooperation is in place, and we here in Washington are already living and working fully in this context. It will be our mission and our particular endeavour to keep this positive and constructive relationship going, in our mutual interest. Let me at the end of my remarks refer briefly to three projects which we intend to pursue during our watch, and which are in a way directly related to the experience of Hurricane Katrina. There is first and foremost the realization that climate change is indeed happening, and that it is high time that we recognize this fact, and put all our resources, our research, our creativity together to cope with what is going on “out there”. So sustainable and effective environmental policies which have to be truly international in reach, are imperative, and we are determined to put a lot of effort into this. Secondly, it has made us aware of the fact that our energy resources are fragile, to say the least, and that we need a new approach in transatlantic cooperation in energy policies. Commission President Barroso has called for a Strategic Energy dialogue between Europe and the United States, and it will be one of the tasks of the EU/US summit in Austria to map out a plan and a procedure for this important dialogue. And last but not least, Katrina as well as other catastrophes which have hit the globe recently have made it abundantly clear that they are no longer national in impact but truly international. In the Tsunami, in Katrina, in the earthquakes as well as in the terrorist attacks in London, Madrid, Bali, Sharm el Sheik citizens from many different countries were affected, and many different governments were immediately called for assistance and help. We need a better international and also a better transatlantic cooperation in crisis management and disaster relief, and it is our intention to pay great attention to this question. There is much more, which could and probably should be said, but I do not want to overstretch your patience with my monologue. I will thus conclude in thanking you for your attention, and extending my best and warmest wishes for the University of New Orleans and the Austrian Centre as an important and integral part of it. As we are on academic ground I will tap my old Latin resources and end by saying: cresceant et floreant! Contact InformationH.E. Dr. Eva Nowotny Gudrun Hager |
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